By the end of this decade, the majority of youth under age 18 will be people of color. Their ability to succeed in the labor force will determine the strength of our economy in the decades to come. Yet, data on youth disconnectedness show we are failing the very people we are supposed to nurture, educate, and prepare to become the leaders of tomorrow. As the National Equity Atlas shows, there are 5.5 million young people ages 16 to 24 who are “disconnected” — neither working nor in school — and the majority of them are people of color.

Reconnecting these young people to education, skills, and career pathways is critical for their economic futures — and for our national prosperity. A study by scholars at Queens College, City University of New York and Teachers College, Columbia University calculates that every disconnected youth costs society $700,000 throughout their lifetime. To develop targeted solutions, it is critical to understand which youth face the greatest challenges, and that is why we added gender breakdowns to the “Disconnected youth” indicator on the Atlas.

A look at this new data reveals some surprising differences in youth disconnectedness by gender for Black and Latino young people. Below, we examine how youth disconnectedness varies by race and gender nationally, followed by a closer look at cities with the highest rates of disconnected Latinas.

Latinas face particularly high rates of youth disconnectedness

Of all major race and gender combinations, young Native American men are the most likely to be disconnected in the U.S. as a whole: 28 percent of Native American men ages 16 and 24 are neither in school nor working, followed by 25 percent of Native American young women. Young Black men are about as likely as Native American women to be disconnected. An unexpected finding is that one in five young Latinas are disconnected from school and work — a rate four percentage points higher than that for young Latinos.

Black and Native American young men are more likely to be disconnected than their female counterparts, while Latino and Asian and Pacific Islander young men are less likely to be disconnected than their female counterparts.

Cities with the highest share of disconnected Latinas 

To explore how youth disconnectedness varies for young Latinas across the largest 100 cities, we looked at the cities with the highest and lowest rates of disconnection among Latinas. There was enough data on Latinas ages 16 to 24 in 69 of the 100 largest cities. The share of Latinas in this age group who are not working or in school ranges from 40 percent in Detroit to 2 percent in Irvine, California. Detroit also has the greatest overall share of disconnected youth at 30 percent of all young people, but Latinas have the highest rate of disconnectedness in that city—6 percentage points higher than the share of disconnected Black men. In four of the five cities with the largest share of disconnected Latinas, Latinas are the most likely of all race-gender groups to be disconnected. In Nashville, Tennessee and Charlotte, North Carolina, one in three Latinas ages 16 to 24 is disconnected.

There could be a number of reasons for the higher rates of Latina disconnectedness in these cities. The Queens College/Teachers College study found that female disconnected youth are more likely to have family responsibilities while male disconnected youth are more likely to be incarcerated. Another study reported that 30 percent of female disconnected youth have children compared with 11 percent of all 16- to 24-year-old females. And in 2014, national Black and Latina teen birth rates were more than two times higher than the rate for White teens. Importantly, poverty and low levels of education correlate with teen pregnancy, and young people in the child welfare system are also more likely to become pregnant.

Early disconnection can have profound impacts later in life, particularly when it comes to employment, health, and participation. The American Public Health Association explained in a recent video that an 18-year-old male in California was more likely to be arrested in 2014 than he was to vote. And there is even evidence suggesting that employers use gaps in work history as a proxy for criminal activity or incarceration, which disproportionately impacts the job prospects of Black men. 

Where do Latinos have higher rates of disconnection than Latinas?

The share of disconnected Latinos is larger than the share of disconnected Latinas in only 11 of the 69 cities with sufficient data on Latina disconnection. In most of those cities, the difference is just a couple percentage points, except in Henderson, Nevada, San Francisco, California, and Irvine, California—the three cities with the lowest rates of disconnection among Latinas. The difference is largest in Irvine, California, where 12 percent of Latinos are disconnected compared with just 2 percent of Latinas.

Strategies for racial and gender justice

Ensuring that all young people are healthy, educated, and connected to opportunities is essential for economic prosperity. Solutions are comprehensive and require participation across education, juvenile justice, and child welfare systems. Reforming harsh, “zero tolerance” school discipline policies that put boys and girls of color on track to jail rather than college is key to keeping young people in classrooms. And transforming classroom learning by integrating work-based and linked learning opportunities as well as culturally relevant education can help ensure that students are college and career ready at graduation.

In the quest for targeted strategies that focus resources toward historically disadvantaged populations, disaggregated data is ever more important to ensure that resources reach and benefit the most affected groups. The new gender data added to the National Equity Atlas for the Working poor, Disconnected youth, and Education levels and job requirements indicators allows communities to capture some of this variation in order to better inform local knowledge and strategies.

To learn more about how women and men of color are faring in your community, go to the Indicators tab, select one of the five equity indicators that have data by gender (Working poor, Disconnected youth, Education levels and job requirements, Wages: $15/hour, and Wages: Median), and click on the “By gender” breakdown.

Second generation immigrants show improved socioeconomic outcomes over their parents. Despite America’s many challenges in creating equitable opportunities, it is a rare bright spot in the nation’s racial and ethnic landscape. New data added to the National Equity Atlas in July shows how U.S.-born Latinos trail U.S.-born Whites in education, wages, and poverty, but still fare better than their immigrant counterparts (with one notable exception).

The recently added nativity breakdowns in the National Equity Atlas allow users to compare outcomes for immigrants and U.S.-born people. In the analysis below, we compare the outcomes of Latinos and Whites with a specific focus on those who are U.S.-born across three socioeconomic indicators: median wage, educational attainment, and poverty, and suggest some reasons why this stratification might persist. For reference, two thirds of Latinos were born in the United States, while 95 percent of Whites are U.S.-born citizens.  

The White-Latino wage gap is smaller among the U.S.-born population

The median wage for Latino workers is $7 less than the median wage for White workers. When looking only at U.S.-born workers, however, the wage gap decreases: U.S.-born Latinos only trail U.S.-born Whites by $4. This narrower wage gap can be explained, in part, by the fact that U.S.-born Latinos earn a much higher median wage ($18/hour) than their immigrant counterparts ($13/hour).

Regions with the greatest numbers of Latinos have larger wage gaps

To better understand how this wage gap varies by region and with the size of the overall Latino population, we looked at the six U.S. metro areas with the largest numbers of Latinos: Los Angeles, New York, Miami, Houston, Chicago, and Riverside, California. Taken together, these six metro areas are home to 37 percent of the total Latino population in the United States.

In nearly all of these regions, the wage disparities between U.S.-born Whites and U.S.-born Latinos are higher than the national average. The wage gap in the Los Angeles and New York metros reach as high as $10/hour—$6/hour more than the national wage gap between U.S.-born Latinos and U.S.-born Whites. Only Miami has a wage gap comparable to the national average.

Why is the wage gap between U.S.-born Latinos and U.S.-born Whites so much higher than the national average in the regions where the most Latinos live? It is mainly being driven by the particularly high wages of U.S.-born Whites in these regions. As the chart above illustrates, U.S.-born Latinos in all six regions have higher median wages than the national average of $18/hour, reaching as high as $21/hour in the New York metro area. U.S.-born Whites in all six regions also have median wages that are above the national average of $22/hour, reaching as high as $31/hour in New York. As a consequence, the median wage gap tends to be significantly above the national average in these regions, despite U.S.-born Latinos also reporting higher median wages.

Both place and educational attainment affect median wages

Metropolitan regions attract high-skilled and educated workers, and the fact that these metro areas are home not only to the largest populations of Latinos but also to some of the biggest cities in our nation could help explain the wage gaps described above. But how do U.S.-born Latinos and Whites in these regions compare in terms of educational attainment?

The figure below reveals that the share of residents with at least a bachelor’s degree (BA) in most of these regions is much higher than the national average for both U.S.-born Whites and U.S.-born Latinos. In four of the six regions, a greater share of U.S.-born Latinos has a bachelor’s degree compared to the national average of 18 percent for all U.S.-born Latinos. There is also considerable variation in educational attainment among the U.S.-born White population. Only in Riverside is the share of U.S.-born Whites with at least a BA smaller than the national average of 34 percent.

A report from the Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia shows that workers with and without college degrees tend to earn higher wages in larger cities, but college graduates experience a much faster growth in their median wages in big cities. The big-city factor might be one reason for these above-average wages.

Comparing the data on wages and education levels for U.S.-born Latinos from the charts above reveal how Miami’s U.S.-born Latinos tend to be highly educated yet do not earn particularly high wages, while Riverside’s U.S.-born Latinos are less educated and earn particularly high wages.

The poverty rate is similar for immigrant and U.S. born Latinos

While U.S.-born Latinos do better than immigrant Latinos when it comes to median wages and educational attainment, when you look at poverty (at the 100 percent of the federal poverty level threshold), you will see a different story. As the chart below illustrates, U.S.-born Latinos and Latino immigrants experience poverty at about the same rate—24 percent—compared with 10 percent for Whites. This suggests that U.S.-born Latinos are not better off than their immigrant counterparts when it comes to poverty, and, in fact, the unrounded numbers show that their poverty rates are actually slightly higher—24.4 percent versus 24.0 percent. When looking at 200 percent of poverty, however, the trend is similar to one we saw with wages and education: U.S.-born Latinos are less likely than Latino immigrants to fall below 200% of poverty (51 percent versus 57 percent). Still, the fact that U.S.-born Latinos experience deep poverty at the same rate as their immigrant counterparts is troubling.

One potential explanation for this could be that many U.S.-born Latinos belong to recent immigrant households whose socioeconomic status often has reverberating effects for their children and the generations that follow. Another possible explanation is that immigrant-headed households tend to be larger with more workers, raising their family-based poverty threshold while U.S.-born Latinos are more likely to be in smaller, nuclear families.

Inclusion and integration for the fastest growing community in the U.S.

The U.S. Latino community, the fastest growing group in the richest country on earth, should not be steeped in this magnitude of poverty. The astounding numbers of U.S.-born Latinos and Latino immigrants living under the poverty line underscore not only how great the challenges are to Latino immigrant integration and inclusion, but more shockingly how great the challenges are to achieving equity for their U.S.-born counterparts.

One starting point to address this lack of integration in the Latino community is to insure the children and youth within this community have access to quality education that could launch them on a positive trajectory to achieve economic success.

To learn more about how U.S.-born people and immigrants are faring in your community, go to the Indicators tab, select one of the eight equity indicators that have data by nativity (Wages: $15/hour, Unemployment, Homeownership, Wages: Median, Working poor, Poverty, Disconnected youth, or Education levels and job requirements), and click on the “By nativity” breakdown.